Abstract Books of the International Conference on Political Sciences
The Abstract Books of the International Conference on Political Sciences (POLITICALSCIENCE) presents carefully peer-reviewed research presented at the annual Political Sciences conference organized by Proud Pen. This collection captures original work across the field of Political Sciences, spanning theoretical frameworks to applied studies. Each volume serves as a reference for ongoing research and study in the discipline.
Identities, Integration, and Deviance: Lived Experiences of Filipino KPOP Fandom Members
The idolization of individuals for a particular subject creates a shared identity and group, such as fandom. Despite differences among members within a fandom, this collective identity provides a space globally where groups of people perform and reinforce their shared passion, ultimately becoming fans and fandom members. Considering its growing relevance, this study contributes to the increasing body of research on fandom by exploring members’ individual beliefs, motivations, values, and purposes, as well as their effects on sustaining one's identity as a fan and the group's identity as a fandom. This study examines the impact of individual differences on the level of devotion and participation in fandom activities and identities using semi-structured interviews with six identified fan and fandom members of any Korean Popular group from a specific highly urbanized geographic location in Laguna, Philippines. The transcribed data were analyzed using traditional Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis (IPA). The findings highlight the significant role of individual differences in shaping the intensity of fan engagement. Furthermore, fandom members integrate better mainly on the degree of social influence and personal attachment. The quality of relationships formed within the fandom is also a massive factor in a fan’s self-ascription process and may determine the length of their fanship’s duration. In conclusion, the study separates the analysis of fandoms from previous rigid organizational social theories, moving towards a view of fan and fandom membership as a temporary identity ascribed by a person from a particular period.
Copyright (c) 2025 Proceeding of the International Conference on Political Sciences
Exploring the Theories of Women’s Political Leadership: Changing Contours of Governance in South Asia
The contemporary political discourses have acknowledged the importance of women’s autonomy and gender equality. However, women are conveniently sidelined in the political realm and process, despite the roles they play in society and their claims of equality in all areas of life. Women are not given the same opportunities to enjoy life as men, despite several laws, regulations, and government awareness initiatives. In the political, cultural, educational, and socioeconomic domains of their existence, they experience marginalisation and discrimination. Popular concepts of nature and culture, public and private, reason and emotion, and modern and primitive become analytical features that allow gender to play a role in forming both individual and collective identities. Within this complexity of social development, an overview of female political leadership in South Asia must be placed, with particular attention paid to the opportunities, gaps, negotiations, and resistances of “women”. The current study provides a framework for understanding how gender politics influence the development of the political category "woman" and how the demands, interests, and concerns of this category are characterized throughout various South Asian nations. This article aims to provide an overview of female political leadership in South Asia, drawing on the broader corpus of feminist literature, particularly South Asian feminist scholarship, in the context of changing governance contours.
Re/defining the Settler-colonial Ideologies/definitions to Safeguard the Bayung Rai Cultures, Language, and Identity in Nepal
Indigenous peoples of Nepal, known as Indigenous groups or nationalities, underwent oppression, repression, and domination, experiencing enormous harm to their cultures, languages, and lands. The settler-colonial people (also known as Indo-Aryans) as rulers coerced colonial ideologies to suppress Indigenous peoples and exterminate their Identity in Nepal. The confiscation of Indigenous traditional lands, restrictions on speaking Indigenous languages and celebrating cultures, and expulsion from the political mainstream are a few examples to name. This paper focuses on the Bayung Rai people, underpinning the lingual and cultural adverse impacts and raises two research questions: (a) How did the Khas-Aryans impose dominant ideologies to erase the Indigenous Bayung Rai cultures and language in Nepal? and (b) How did Khas-Aryans’ political hegemony dominate the Bayung Rai Identity? The exploration of these questions aims to redefine colonial ideologies from the Bayung perspectives as resistance against oppression and hence to reinvigorate the Bayung Rai Identity. This research exploits decolonial perspectives to investigate different forms of colonial systemic and epistemic violence, dismantling the colonial set-ups. It therefore applies Tribal Critical theory to critically scrutinise the colonial behaviours and employs decoloniality as methodology to examine the historical contexts, i.e., prohibiting or demeaning Bayung cultures and erasing Bayung toponyms in their traditional lands. It also utilises the narrative inquiry to encompass intergenerational experiences or stories of domination and hatred. Thematic analysis is performed to thoroughly analyse the primary data obtained from free conversation and the secondary data from existing literature. This research thus contributes to the Indigenous and academic communities by: (a) investigating the settler-colonial domination and oppression of the Bayung people, including other Indigenous peoples; (b) safeguarding the Indigenous Identity through knowledge creation; and (c) helping the Indigenous Peoples and the dominant group (settler) for respectful reconciliation, leading to Indigenisation.
Decolonizing the Philippine Education System: Perspectives in Student Learning and Engagement
The colonial powers had long profoundly influenced colonized nations' education systems, including the Philippines. With its severe impacts on various aspects of individual, community, and national construction, there were multiple ongoing documented and undocumented individual and group movements from different intellectual elites in response to our heavily colonized systems. With recent macro-level research on projecting the future of the Philippines in decolonizing its systems, classroom teachers' individual efforts to introduce and practice decolonization need more documentation and analysis to construct an image of a national narrative of decolonizing movement into our education systems. With almost half a decade of integration into current practice, the study used autoethnography to form an analysis of the lived experience of decolonizing Social Sciences classes in Senior High School, including the perceived impacts on learner development and appreciation of Humanities and Social Science Strand students. Analysis revealed that decolonized practices and integration in the classroom lead to students fostering active engagement in class discussions, regaining confidence in the critical exchange of ideas in task creation, and deepening the realization of the relevance of local knowledge. It was found that learning experience better prepares them for different research competencies, although further investigation is needed to prove the relevance of the observation. The research underscores the need to look into other practices and consider whether individual efforts can be made and whether they are being applied in public education systems.
Franchisee Politics and Elite Bargains: Analyzing TMC Governance in West Bengal Through the Political Settlement Framework
This paper applies the Political Settlement Framework (PSF), developed by Mushtaq H. Khan, to analyze the political durability and governance strategy of the Trinamool Congress (TMC) in West Bengal. Moving beyond dominant lenses such as populism, clientelism, and identity politics, the paper argues that the TMC’s rule is best understood as a strategic elite bargain, where power is distributed across symbolic leadership and decentralized brokers. The study uses the Lakshmir Bhandar scheme—a monthly cash transfer program for women—as a case study to illustrate how welfare policy reinforces elite stability and mass dependency within the political settlement. Through this lens, the TMC’s governance emerges not simply as affective populism but as a durable and exclusionary order shaped by informal power arrangements and strategic resource distribution. The PSF allows for a structural understanding of why certain institutions persist and others fail, and why reforms in sectors like manufacturing or education remain weak. This paper concludes that sustainable institutional reform in West Bengal must account for the political settlement underpinning the state’s governance model, where informal authority and mass appeasement operate in tandem. The study contributes to the broader literature on state capacity, elite negotiation, and the institutional dynamics of subnational politics in India.
Filipina Gen Z Women's Determined Impacts on their Ligaw (Courtship) Experiences
Panliligaw the traditional Filipino courtship practice, remains an integral part of Filipino romantic relationships, yet existing studies often focus on the experiences of the man (nanliligaw) rather than the woman (nililigawan) being pursued despite their equally important roles. As a result, there is a lack of existing studies documenting how women experience and interpret panliligaw. Thus, this study seeks to document the lived experiences of single heterosexual Filipino Gen Z women aged 25-27 who have experienced panliligaw and examine its effects on their identity, self-perception, relationships, and societal roles through semi-structured interviews which are then further analyzed using Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) as guided by Prospero Covar’s Loob at Labas framework. Findings reveal that women’s decisions and actions driven by self-perception and personal values resulted in the following experiences on panliligaw: an increase in self-esteem, a boost in energy levels, openness to new connections, more positive demeanor, and improved interaction within social settings. These findings suggest a shift from traditional courtship structures to a more mutual and reciprocal process where women take on more active and autonomous roles rather than what society dictates. In essence, panliligaw is not solely centered around men proving their worth as society depicts, but also on how women ultimately end up with the final decision over the trajectory of panliligaw. Hence, this study amplifies women’s voices in panliligaw by emphasizing their equally significant role in shaping contemporary Filipino romantic relationships.
Theorizing Filipino Concept of Pahinga (Rest)
The heavily industrialized society in the Philippines has brought about a cultural change in the lifestyle and mindset of Filipino people focused on their needs. This has resulted in a civilization that forcibly embraces a never-ending work world —the lack of pahinga (rest). Contributing to constructing local knowledge and paradigms, this paper aims to interpret the Filipino epistemology of rest, pahinga, from the existing narratives of workers and members of various social institutions such as family, education, and economy. Using qualitative research and phenomenological methods, the researchers spoke to participants aged 28-44, using semi-structured approaches or pakikipagkwentuhan, to find out about their way of rest and how they achieve it. Employing interpretative phenomenological analysis traditions, the study found that of those interviewed, pahinga (rest) had different dimensions, including the rest of the labas (body) and loob (mind). Participants of the research generally mentioned that it seems that because of the obligation of performing as a member of their family and society, their rest is almost non-existent or limited. In conclusion, associated concepts interrelated to theorizing pahinga have been found: pagod (fatigue), sarili (self), lipunan (society), and ginhawa (relief). People tend to prioritize survival than valuing the importance of social, psychological, and physical rest —revealing systemic problems faced by groups of Filipinos in current modern society.
Exit, Intervention, and Inequality: Understanding Secularism and Social Justice in India
Secularism is regarded as a remedy for the challenges of accommodating religious diversity while ensuring peaceful coexistence and social justice. Since ensuring social justice requires state intervention, it is perceived as inconsistent with secularism. However, scholars like Bhargava and Chandhoke do not perceive mild state intervention as inconsistent with secular values, but rather as a distinctive feature of Indian secularism. Whereas in a liberal secular framework, tolerance is considered to be the core value that discourages state intervention in religious affairs. Melidoro holds that liberalism’s primary objective is to protect diversity rather than to establish equality or justice. He argues that the state should refrain from intervening in comprehensive doctrines—liberal or illiberal—and instead ensure that individuals can exercise their right to exit oppressive social structures. He considers exiting an oppressive community as sufficient for peaceful coexistence. This paper challenges Melidoro’s claim, arguing that in the Indian context, due to the caste system, the exit right is insufficient. The rigid social structure of caste makes it difficult for individuals to truly escape oppressive conditions, even after leaving their communities. To support this argument, the paper examines B.R. Ambedkar’s arguments on conversion as a form of exit, alongside his strong advocacy for state intervention to protect marginalized groups. Through this inquiry, the paper evaluates the limitations of the liberal neutrality approach and argues for a context-sensitive model of secularism that recognizes the necessity of ensuring peaceful coexistence as well as social justice.
From Universities, Streets, to Contemporary Society Heroes: Becoming, Being, and Living as Women Activist
Historically, women faced patterns of prejudice and gender-based oppression, resulting in the denial of their fundamental rights. Through years of ingrained subordination under authoritarian regimes, activism birthed various movements and organizations that sought liberation. As militant groups gained traction, withstanding large-scale issues, women’s struggles were seldom addressed within nationalist movements. Literature has documented the roots of activism, women’s organizations, and the socio-political conditions throughout Philippine history. However, there is a narrow understanding of women’s experiences and how these mold their individual identities in response to shared struggles. This study attempts to create a local framework elucidating the motivations and drivers behind women’s activism. This narrative study conducted semi-structured interviews with an aged female activist who claimed to be a university graduate, living a moderate lifestyle. Through a modified thematic analysis using Braun and Clarke (2006), findings revealed her profound worldviews, motivations, and ideologies. Recounting her experiences, the participant’s lifelong commitment to activism emerged as a notable discovery. Becoming, being, and living as an activist was a voluntary choice to discover, assert, and sustain her praxis. Through adaptations of the framework, future studies should continue to explore additional narratives of women, anti-imperialist, self-ascribed activists who work towards attaining an equitable society. By asserting their identities, affirming their actions, and nurturing their efforts towards nation-building, women’s narratives serve as a stark implication that they survived amidst adversity. Hence, ‘becoming’ a woman activist transcends past experiences and struggles as she lives a life committed to meaningful change.
The Challenges of Accountability in Democracy: A Comparative Study of Donald Trump’s 2021 Impeachment and Jair Bolsonaro’s 2023 Electoral Trial
Following Donald Trump's defeat in the U.S. 2020 presidential election, his supporters stormed the Capitol under the false belief of electoral fraud, leading to his second impeachment. Similarly, Jair Bolsonaro spread unsubstantiated claims about Brazil’s electoral system during the 2022 presidential election, and after his loss, his supporters attacked the Three Powers Plaza, resulting in the former president's electoral trial. However, while Trump was acquitted and later reelected, Bolsonaro was declared ineligible to hold office until 2030. This study explores the reasons behind these divergent outcomes, challenging the assumption that stronger democracies ensure more effective accountability. Using process tracing, we analyze the accountability mechanisms in the U.S. and Brazil through three key explanatory variables: (1) the normative framework governing oversight institutions, (2) the electoral system within which these institutions operate, and (3) prevailing national conceptions of democracy. By systematically comparing these cases, we aim to provide insights into how institutional design and democratic perceptions shape accountability in different political contexts, and ultimately impact how accountable an incumbent truly is.
Employment Status and Evaluation of Government Performance: Evidence from China
Evaluation of government performance of citizens is crucial for regime stability as it could help authoritarian regimes to identify and address brewing problems before they fuel public discontent. It can also act as a potential mechanism for improving government performance and public services and establishing good image of government. Following the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic, Chinese government has adopted the zero-covid policy to keep cases as close to zero as possible until December 2022. The pandemic is a shock that impact the all the people, and it could have far-reaching consequences; therefore, the understanding of public evaluation of Chinese government’s zero-covid policy is crucial for overall evaluation of government performance. China encountered a huge economic burden during the pandemic. China’s job market also faced big pressure from the economic downturn caused by the Covid-19 pandemic. Many private companies in China closed, which are the primary source of employment. The unemployment problem was more severe among the youth workforces. Therefore, using evidence from China at both the individual and provincial levels, this study aims to examine the impact of employment status on public evaluation of government performance during the Covid-19 pandemic in China with multilevel analysis. The results reveal that being employed is negatively correlated with the evaluation of government performance and the evaluation of the medical system's performance in terms of COVID-19 containment. Additionally, this study also employs causal mediation analysis to infer relationships between employment status, public evaluation of government performance, and political trust. The research finding has implications for public policy in China.
Effects and Limitations of the Interaction between Public Attribution and Offensive Cyber Operations on Cyber Deterrence by Punishment Rethinking of the Risk of Retaliation
From the perspective of a cyber defender, the matter of dealing with cyberattacks is of the paramount importance. Nevertheless, the most efficient strategy to be adopted is one of prevention, i.e. the deterrence of cyberattacks before they occur. J. Nye describes deterrence as a psychological process that depends on the perceptions of both attacker and defender, and the ability to communicate these perceptions with clarity. In recent years, public attribution (PA) has become a prevalent and substantial method of articulating the defender's intentions. Nevertheless, the efficacy of PA in terms of cyber deterrence does not appear to exceed the anticipated level. Conversely, since 2016, the initiation of deployment of Offensive Cyber Operations (OCO) has been progressively disclosed to the public, along with the announcement of PA. This has compelled attackers and third parties contemplating or intending to attack to reassess the cost-effectiveness of doing so, thus raising the threshold for such actions. The paper therefore uses 2016 as a divided point of comparison, with the aim of clarifying the combination of OCO and PA to be effective. The study concludes that the effectiveness of cyber deterrence through punishment is beginning to be demonstrated in the context of states and state-sponsored hacker groups.
Design of a Standardized Index to Evaluate the Democratic Quality of Participatory Processes: A Participant-Centered Approach
Participatory processes have proliferated within contemporary democracies, generating an increasing need for rigorous evaluation tools to assess their democratic quality (Fung, 2015; Smith, 2009). Despite the abundance of empirical studies and theoretical frameworks, the scientific literature reveals a persistent absence of standardized instruments capable of systematically evaluating these processes according to established democratic criteria (Rowe & Frewer, 2004). This research, conducted at the University of Valencia, seeks to address this gap by developing a standardized Democratic Quality Index applicable to participatory processes at the local level, with potential for broader national and international application. The originality of the proposed index lies in its two-stage structure: a pre-questionnaire assessing participants' expectations, followed by a main questionnaire evaluating their perceptions of democratic quality across seven key dimensions. The methodological design follows a sequential mixed-methods approach. First, a scoping review identified relevant dimensions and indicators in the literature (Moysan & Ródenas, 2024). Second, a Delphi panel of international experts refined these indicators. Third, empirical validation is underway through factorial analyses of data collected in participatory processes in France and Spain, with results expected by June 2025. This index generates a weighted score reflecting alignment with participants’ expectations, thereby addressing critiques of presumed universality in democratic evaluation (Parés & March, 2013). It contributes to the field of participatory democracy by bridging normative and empirical approaches (Abelson & Gauvin, 2006; Warren, 2017), offering a validated tool to evaluate, compare, and improve participatory processes in a contextualized and citizen-centered manner.
Service Quality and Competitive Advantage in Ghana’s Telecommunication Industry; Evidence of MTN Ghana
This study is conducted in the telecommunication sector in Ghana using MTN as a case study. The purpose of the study was to assess the relationship between service quality and competitive advantage in the telecom industry. The current study used quantitative descriptive research design to help determine the relationship between variables. This research used a self-administered questionnaire to quantify the impact of service quality constructs and competitive advantage. The study employed convenience sampling techniques with a sample size of 272 MTN users in Ghana. Data was analyzed using SPSS and Smart PLS. The results showed that customers have a positive view about customer service and convenience of MTN Ghana. The study also found that there is a statistically significant relationship between the two service quality dimensions namely: customer service and convenience and competitive advantage with respective to market share and profitability. This study can serve as guidance for current mobile operators in Ghana and new entrants who intend to enter the industry. This research aspires to contribute to the body of best practices for mobile service providers in Ghana.
Antonio Gramsci's Political Philosophy on Culture
As the "Archimedean point" of Gramsci's theoretical framework, the concept of "cultural hegemony" has deep roots in Italy's local philosophical stance and Marxist class consciousness and hegemony theories. To find the "breakthrough point" of the hidden power in capitalist political society and to prescribe a "remedy" for the proletariat's cultural and moral revolutionary movement, Gramsci considered civil society, organic intellectuals, and "war of position" as the essence of cultural hegemony. Cultural hegemony, as a form of ideological power, is closely linked to maintaining the legitimacy of political rule. Gramsci's revelation not only updates the analytical tools for contemporary Western ideological exploration and cultural critique of capitalist society but also builds a theoretical foundation for highlighting the unique charm and confidence of socialist culture and ideology.
Straight Tickets and Ticket-Splitting: Moderate Independent Voters in the Volatile Middle
In the 2024 U.S. elections, there was a modest but meaningful resurgence of ticket-splitting in several battleground states, with voters dividing their support between presidential and Senate candidates. Using 2024 exit poll data from Edison Research and American National Election Studies (ANES), our analysis reveals that moderate independent voters are the most likely to be ticket-splitters who vote for candidates from multiple parties. We identify some distinguishing demographic characteristics of moderate independents and explore factors that drive their voting choices. These independents are divided in their straight-ticket voting, with about half voting a straight Democratic ticket and half a straight Republican ticket. We found that moderate independents delayed finalizing their 2024 choice for President until just before the election and that they are more likely to have changed their party choice between the 2020 and 2024 elections. Their tendency to cast split tickets at higher rates and divide their straight ticket voting between the two major parties suggests that this relatively large group in the middle of the electorate is more persuadable in election campaigns and may be the key to determining election outcomes.
The Dialectical Narrative of Ownership in Hegel's Political Philosophy
Ownership is an important concept in Hegelian political philosophy, the Dasein of freedom in the ethical development clue of legal philosophy, as well as the factor that combines the principle of equality and the principle of equivalence in social intercourse among citizens. To make philosophy a “science” that describes the course of historical dialectical development, Hegel not only incorporated the origin of ownership into the historical logic that is created for the subjectivity of “Kampf um Anerkennung”, but also incorporated labor and laborer that produce the substantive content of ownership into the conceptual, even the ethical level. In contrast with the radical ethical construction theory of Enlightenment, although Hegelian philosophy is full of wording complications, its concept of ownership not only has a more empirical basis, but also outlooks an ideal, universal political system in the sense of modern legal right.
Modern Theoretical Approaches to African Development: Navigating Contemporary Challenges
The article explores the theoretical thinking in the domain of African development on issues of sustainability, governance, and economic growth. It critiques crucial approaches such as post-colonial theory, the capability approach, human development theory, and the social exclusion framework intended to remedy Africa's developmental dilemmas. Anchored on this conceptual approach, postcolonial theory emphasises the persistence of colonialism on issues of governance and seeks to redress historical injustice by advancing equity policies toward social groups. There is a focus on the improvement of individual abilities, mass-based citizen involvement in democratisation, and investment in vital sectors like health and education towards innovation and growth. Human Development Theory focusses on people-orientated and pro-poor development that advances economic development in harmony with environmental sustainability for sound long-term human and ecological well-being. Social exclusion frameworks inform developmental policy by emphasising the incorporation of previously excluded persons into the economy and society. Post-colonial theory provides another criticism of Africa's economic dependence by canvassing for self-reliance, economic autonomy, and regional trade as a means of bypassing the cartels of external powers. By synthesising these perspectives, the article gives an all-rounded framework on how to manage the complex challenges that prevent the realisation of development in Africa. Again, it emphasises the blending of theoretical insight with practical solutions to bring about more equitable and sustainable development results. This research contributes to the current debate on African development by bringing theory into alignment with 'actionable policies' and strategies meant to drive long-term sustainability and inclusiveness.
The Use of Readability Metrics in Legal Text - A Systematic Literature Review
Understanding the text in legal documents can be challenging due to their complex structure and the inclusion of domain-specific jargon. Laws and regulations are often crafted in such a manner that engagement with them requires formal training, potentially leading to vastly different interpretations of the same texts. Linguistic complexity is an important contributor to the difficulties experienced by readers. Simplifying texts could enhance comprehension across a broader audience, not just among trained professionals. Various metrics have been developed to measure document readability. Therefore, we adopted a systematic review approach to examine the linguistic and readability metrics currently employed for legal and regulatory texts. A total of 3566 initial papers were screened, with 34 relevant studies found and further assessed. Our primary objective was to identify which current metrics were applied for evaluating readability within the legal field. Sixteen different metrics were identified, with the Flesch-Kincaid Grade Level being the most frequently used method. The majority of studies (73.5%) were found in the domain of "informed consent forms". From the analysis, it is clear that not all legal domains are well represented in terms of readability metrics and that there is a further need to develop more consensus on which metrics should be applied for legal documents.
The Covid-19 Pandemic Crisis And Its Impact On International Relations: Critical Reflections
This paper is a critical reflection on the impact of the devastating Covid-19 pandemic on International Relations. It primarily aims to discuss both the positive and negative impacts of this pandemic on how countries related to and viewed one another as they frantically wrestled with their individual pressing health challenges. With the benefit of hindsight, it is now possible to cast our eyes backwards to establish how this global pandemic consolidated and at times reconfigured International Relations. Using the analytic and comparative approaches, the paper provides specific examples on how Covid-19 unwittingly and tacitly impacted upon relations among different countries. It argues that while some of the old relations were consolidated, others were reconfigured for the better or for the worst. Moreover, the paper argues that this pandemic came at the time when the bipolar world dominated by America and China was being replaced by a multipolar world. At the centre of these changing global political dynamics is the issue of power. Theoretically, the paper is grounded in two theories. These are realism and dependency theories. The paper concludes that while Covid-19 had devastating effects, it also reshaped International Relations and provided an opportunity to reflect on these for posterity.
Copyright (c) 2024 Proceeding of the International Conference on Political Sciences
Shari‘a in Percentage: The Islamists' Search for an Overlapping Consensus in the Liberal Age
This paper presents a detailed discussion of the implication of the legal work of an influential Islamist jurist (Ahmad al-Raysuni) who pioneered a call for pragmatic, quasi-secular approach to the promotion of Shari'a in the public sphere under the legal notions of tarjih (preponderance) and taqrib (approximation). The central premise of this approach is that religiously minded activists should engage in any level of legal political activism, even if such engagement necessitates partaking in, accepting, or appearing to endorse "immoral" secular policies. Their mere presence as participants in the sphere of governance is religiously endorsed, since the concessions they are bound to gain would secure certain masalih (interests) or avert certain mafasid (harm). Rather than understanding Shari'a as a holistic platform, which must be forced from the top-down, Raysuni promotes an atomized, bottom-up view, which seeks to negotiate and reconstitute Sharia through anthropocentric compromises. I argue that this was one of the earliest jurisprudential steps that have allowed Islamist jurists to develop a theoretically dense legal foundations for a political project premised on the renunciation of the Islamists’ previous efforts to replicate the classical Islamic government as gratuitous and misguided. This project rests not on a break with the Islamic legal heritage but on a claim of rediscovering and refining the most authentic, profound and germane aspects of it to human social life. This project may open immense potentials for reasonable ‘overlapping consensuses’ with traditional and secular Muslims, people of other faiths and atheists.
How to Regulate Social Media Use During Elections in Turkiye
2023 general election in Turkiye was particularly significant due to the extensive use of digital tools and social media to reach and engage voters but online political advertising has still remained unregulated. The absence of such regulation in digital campaign has led to uncertainty about who is running campaigns and who is behind the social media posts, causing voters to distrust online political information. It is essential to enhance the transparency on who is producing and funding campaign activities. Electors can “understand the origins of campaigning material” and are “able to make a political choice with greater confidence”. This study provides essential and easily applicable recommendations to promote the integrity of our elections in Turkiye. To do so, the doctrinal legal research methodology is applied which a descriptive and detailed analysis of legal rules found in primary sources (cases, statutes, or regulations). The study focuses on three key issues on the unregulated online campaign which are transparency – who is behind the campaign, online campaign spending, and misinformation in the digital campaign. The study first addresses the importance of clarifying the identities behind the online campaigns. Secondly, the uncertainty about the online election campaigns stems from a lack of transparency regarding campaign spending. Greater transparency is needed for online election campaigns, particularly about the funders and purchasers of such ads. In conclusion, with the help of these regulations the transparency and accountability will be increased among political campaigners. This will ensure that our democracy is promoted, rather than undermined in the digital age, and most importantly, that elections will remain free, fair, and honest.
Is Armenia Hedging or Pivoting in Its Foreign and Security Policies?
Recently, the discourse about the transformation of foreign and security policies of Armenia, a small state facing significant security challenges, has been intensifying. International officials, political figures and academics have been debating whether Armenia is in the process of “pivoting” or “changing its vector” towards European or even Euro-Atlantic integration. They question whether Armenia has irreversibly turned away from Russia and started a path of Euro-Atlantic integration, or it is maneuvering between power centers and diversifying its partners to reduce its dependence on Russia? Others question how Armenia can defend its territorial integrity and statehood in a volatile geopolitical environment facing conventional defence threats by Azerbaijan and Turkey and hybrid threats by Russia? Are Armenia’s newly shaping aspirations for EU membership realistic and will they contribute to Armenia’s security or jeopardize it further? Can Armenia ever have NATO membership aspirations given its lack of diplomatic relations with Turkey and difficulties of its normalization? If not, can it be viable as a neutral state if it formally exits CSTO and military alliance with Russia having already de facto suspended its membership in the CSTO and having tense bilateral relationship with Russia with its increasing alignment with Azerbaijan that puts never ending pre-conditions before Armenia for concluding a peace agreement and threatening with a new war?
How Hollywood Can Prosper the Field for Realization of U.S. Foreign Policy Goals in the Middle East
This research investigates the role of Hollywood in advancing U.S. foreign policy goals in the Middle East through cinematic narratives. Employing a grounded theory approach, the study systematically applies open, axial, and selective coding methodologies to analyze a corpus of Hollywood films depicting the region. Through iterative abstraction and categorization, the study identifies key thematic elements such as democracy promotion, security initiatives, cultural diplomacy, and American values portrayed in these films. Findings highlight Hollywood's significant influence in shaping global perceptions, promoting cultural exchange, and supporting U.S. diplomatic strategies. The study recommends future research focusing on ethical filmmaking practices, longitudinal impact studies, and policy integration to optimize Hollywood's potential as a tool for diplomatic objectives in the region.
The Baby Fever Paradox: Filipino Women and Their Power Over the Nation-State
Women throughout history are burdened with the social responsibility of bearing children, which is further enforced by the pronatalist perspective of the Philippines, manifesting in pressures and norms established to promote childbearing in women. In recent years, people have received these ideals; thus rousing the liking towards children and is intensified with the visceral emotion of baby fever. However, recent shifts in perspectives reveal that there are women who, despite being subjected to societal ideals, being at the most opportune period of their lives, and harboring an intense liking towards children, firmly elect not to have them. With only a handful of research documenting the interaction between baby fever and childbearing, the need to explore this paradoxical phenomenon emerges— the baby fever paradox. Thus, this movement highlights how women contest society’s perception of them through their practice of self-determination and bodily autonomy. This paper seeks to unveil the reasons behind their choice of not bearing a child through a phenomenological study. Voluntarily childless, capable, middle-aged Filipino women who have experienced baby fever were interviewed, and their past experiences were analyzed through an interpretative phenomenological analysis that revealed the key themes that led to their decision. It was found that their being childless was in pursuit of their professional careers and self-ascribed purpose, traced back to their upbringing. In essence, their decision not to have children was necessary for the betterment of their personal lives. Hence, being voluntarily childfree in a society that compels you to love and long for children becomes a source of empowerment for women.
Disconnected Cultures: Exploring the Impact of Zero-Culturality on Political Communication Dynamics
In today’s digital realm, the online consumer wields unprecedented power, dictating styles and narrative preferences to content creators. This dynamic prompts both business brands and political entities to actively pursue content personalisation, aiming to align with the diverse tastes and needs of their audiences. However, this endeavour brings forth a myriad of challenges, including the relinquishing of control over the communication process and the necessity to navigate various parameters to effectively capture the consumer’s attention. Amidst this rapidly evolving landscape, emerging phenomena like “zeroculturality” pose profound questions regarding the efficacy of political communication strategies. Will the discernible trends of selective identification with specific demographic or cultural traits among audiences influence the future shape and effectiveness of brand communication? These are inquiries that the author embarks upon, delving into them through independent research conducted on social media platforms over the period from 2021 to 2023. The study adopts a meticulous methodology involving non-participatory observation of 32 profiles. These profiles consistently feature content marked by the simultaneous referencing of specific cultural values and the critical evaluation of conventional bearers of said principles. Through this analytical lens, the study seeks to discern patterns of behaviour and thought, ultimately identifying the emergence of a notable trend termed “zeroculturality.” The overarching objective of this paper is to evaluate the potential impact of this identified phenomenon on political communication models and, notably, to explore the role of artificial intelligence in navigating and understanding these evolving dynamics.
Securing Europe: Safeguarding of the Baltics as A Starting Point for A More Cohesive Defence Approach
The geographical positioning of Central and Eastern Europe and the Baltic States has historically made them contested territories, embroiled at the crossroads of conflicting spheres of influence. Over the past 150 years, this pattern has persisted, notably marked by the emergence of Germany and Russia as major powers. Despite a period of seeming marginalization following the collapse of the Soviet Union and the expansion of liberal order mechanisms in the former communist bloc, recent decades have witnessed a resurgence of geopolitical tensions, particularly in response to Western initiatives. This resurgence, underscored by Russia's assertive actions, challenges the narrative of a closed chapter in European history, raising questions about the security landscape of the region amidst shifting geopolitical dynamics. This paper delves into the evolving security threats facing Europe, with a specific focus on the Baltic states and their vulnerability to potential Russian aggression. It critiques the inadequacy of Europe's defense capabilities, which necessitates heavy reliance on NATO resources. By examining Russia's motivations, including historical perceptions of natural belonging, geographical proximity, and opposition to American influence, the paper underscores the imperative for the European Union to bolster its defense capabilities. It advocates for a strategic shift towards greater self-reliance to mitigate the risks of overdependence on external actors, such as the United States.
From the Perspective of Nation Learning An Analysis of the Transition of Jordan River Governance Path
The Jordan River is one of the main water sources in the Middle East region. Insufficient water volume and deteriorating ecological environment have triggered a severe water crisis in the Jordan river basin, further complicated by strategic games among riparian countries. This paper analyzes Jordan River governance from the perspective of nation learning. Nation learning refers to the tendency of states to adopt different and more effective means to achieve their goals. The governance path of the Jordan River among riparian countries has gone through different stages, with changes in governance goals and methods, leading to a complex learning process. From 1948 to the Third Middle East War, Israel and Arab countries along the Jordan River primarily focused on traditional security considerations regarding the river governance, aiming to compete for the territory of water sources and water volume, mainly using hard measures. After the Third Middle East War until the end of the Cold War, the main goal of Israel and Arab countries along the Jordan River regarding the river governance was still to compete for water volume, along with the decrease in the frequency of using hard measures. While, during this period, non-traditional security factors emerged as considerations in the governance goal, such as promoting economic and agricultural development. Additionally, both sides employed soft measures such as intergovernmental cooperation. After the end of the Cold War, restoring the ecological environment and water volume of the Jordan river gradually became the main goals for riparian countries, and soft measures were adopted. Substantially riparian countries experienced nation learning in the process of Jordan River governance, driven mainly by External Events and Cognitive Beliefs. External Events include factors such as third party involvement, relations of riparian countries, and ecological environment of the Jordan river basin, while Cognitive Beliefs are related to the views of national leaders and shifts in political power. Due to increasing uncertainty brought about by global climate change and Israel-Hamas conflict, as well as insufficient coordination and pollution control capabilities among riparian countries, these factors pose challenges to the prospects of Jordan River governance.
The Crucial Role of Non-Tribal Social Groups "Al-Aqilat" in State Development and Military Efforts: The Significance of Market Dominant Minorities in State Formation and Stability“Saudi Arabia 1902-1932”
This research paper explores the pivotal role of the non-tribal social groups, particularly the "Al-Aqilat," in the formation and stability of states, with a focus on their contributions to military efforts and state development. Utilizing qualitative methods, the study delves into a thematic analysis derived from the qualitative coding of 245 documents sourced from British, French, Saudi, and Ottoman archives. These documents provide a comprehensive overview of Al-Aqilat's strategic involvement in regional military affairs, their role in high-stakes negotiations for military procurement, and their impact on the geopolitical dynamics of the time. The analysis reveals the multifaceted roles that Al-Aqilat played, extending beyond commercial and diplomatic ventures to include significant involvement in military logistics and procurement activities. This involvement underscores their broad influence and capabilities in shaping regional military landscapes and state-building efforts. Furthermore, the study highlights Al-Aqilat's ability to navigate complex international negotiations, secure vital military assets, and contribute to internal stability by suppressing rebellions and supporting military campaigns. Through a detailed examination of various archival documents, the research sheds light on the critical contributions of market-dominant minorities like Al-Aqilat in the broader context of state formation and stability, illustrating their indispensable role in the socio-political and military fabric of emerging states.
Since its independence in 1962, Algeria has created a privileged partnership with the USSR and then Russia. In its desire to rebuild itself after the war against France (1954-1962, to free itself from its colonial past) and to emancipate itself in a new context, Algeria chose to adopt a political and economic regime approaching the actual ideology in the USSR. The latter supporting African countries in the process of decolonization and independence supporting the doctrine of the right of peoples to self-determination, The development of socialism in Algeria is linked to the struggles of other peoples in the world, which logically includes the movements of third world and non-aligned countries, resulting from the Bandung conference of April 1955. In the 1990s, Algeria experienced civil war through Islamist terrorism. The USSR disappears and Russia converts to a market economy. Same approach for Algeria with the common point of significant revenues from hydrocarbons. Today, Russia and Algeria continue an important partnership and diplomatic relationship. Algeria having refused to condemn Russia's aggression against Ukraine, Algerian President Tebboune, traveling to Moscow in June 2023, welcomed strengthening cooperation between the two countries by signing numerous partnerships. Algeria has also applied to join BRICS. The purpose of this article will be to explain the political and economic interactions between Algeria and Russia. Through the various changes of President, it will be demonstrated how Algeria has become an essential geopolitical element of the non-aligned. We will discuss the adoption of socialism by Algeria and its interconnections at the time with the USSR. We will also explain why Algeria, through its partnership with Russia, wishes to free itself from its exclusive relationship with the former colonizing power that was France. Then we will focus on potential BRICS membership.